美马列毛小组:中国“左翼”否定中国是帝国主义是错误的 这个章节主要讲的是：中国的“左翼学者”否定中国是帝国主义，说中国没有像美国那样的在全球“持剑经商”，因而不是一个帝国主义国家。这种认识是没有搞清新旧殖民主义的区别，德国等西欧国家也没有像美国那样的在全球“持剑经商”，你不能说这些国家就不是新殖民主义的帝国主义国家。薄熙来充其量是一个资产阶级改良主义者，根本就不是什么“毛派”。民粹主义将会是今后中国无产阶级的一个敌人。中国的无产阶级要重新建党。中国过去曾经长期受到帝国主义的欺辱，但我们支持毛泽东的新中国和他的文化大革命，我们不支持现在的已经变成一个新的压迫国家的帝国主义的中国。 （美）马列毛小组:中国“左翼学者”否定中国是帝国主义是错误的（24）【机译版】 23、国民动机持认为，中国不可能成为一个帝国主义国家。 与中国社科院Sciences相连的人，参加了左翼论坛在纽约市在2013年6月当记者问她是否同意，在光的数十亿美元资金的中国目前出口现在是一个帝国主义国家，她回应说，中国不可能是帝国主义的，因为它的外国投资不前，并用武力保护。 这是一次失败的理解，有一个帝国主义制度，其中，中国现在是一个不可分割的组成部分。中国在世界各地的投资实际上是“前后的武力保护”，即使，目前，该部队还没有被挥起一显著程度由中国资产阶级本身。根据这个女人的逻辑日本和德国都没有帝国主义列强决定，因为大部分军事力量被用来维护帝国主义制度目前正在提供和/或指示由美国和几个亲密盟友。 这里面其实即使是很多人谁认识很清楚，中国现在是一个资本主义国家授予它也是现在的帝国主义国家巨大的不情愿。这是真实的，即使在许多毛派在国际上和中国本身。是什么样的这种不愿意承认明显落后？ 在某种程度上，这是毫无疑问，由于未能充分理解术语“帝国主义”在列宁主义的意义。但在我们看来，有事业，更深; à甚至许多中国革命者之间挥之不去的感觉，无论中国做什么今天它仍然只能是外国帝国主义的受害者。 中国事实上是外国帝国主义的长期和主要受害者（尤其是英国，沙皇俄国，美国和日本帝国主义），拥有超过一个世纪前，1949年即使在1949年革命中国有抵御美帝国主义在朝鲜（1950-1953年），并帮助击败印度支那中国法国和美国的帝国主义（1949年至1975年）的一个主要途径。它也不得不站在强烈的反对苏联社会帝国主义，反对中国的严重的军事威胁，同时存在。 ，中国一直是外国帝国主义的受害者，并进一步威胁到它的感觉，是深深扎根于进步的中国人的心灵，这是正确的。 不过，这些伟大的历史创伤的痛苦经历可能是致盲的人，包括在中国，今天的中国政权的现实。目前中国的资产阶级统治阶级甚至恶劣的罪，无论是对中国民众，并在其贯穿到国外，经常指责更美帝国主义和它的“操纵”，中国的统治者，比那些统治者自己。假设或教条是中国统治阶级仍然是买办资产阶级，主要是受外国帝国主义的大拇指，而不是一个官僚资产阶级国家推动其自身的阶级利益，对整个世界的中国人民的利益，。 这种误解，甚至在毛泽东的许多当今中国追随者，是一个严重的政治错误。你不能让一个革命，如果你不了解真实情况，你是，如果中国革命者都无法看到，中国已经成为一个帝国主义国家，那么他们在道歉上的政权基础的民族主义的危险，他们说他们想推翻！ 最近中国很多爱好者毛泽东和毛泽东时代的社会主义已经认识到，中国的所谓共产部分完全和永久资产阶级的控制下，并且不能夺回到无产阶级诉诸其所谓“越革命干部”。然而，许多人上了浅表假装“毛派”薄熙来的改良主义，例如。为了使中国的一个新的无产阶级革命，一个小，但越来越多的真正的毛派就需要形成新的真正的革命党，它一直没有任何部分过去35年的修正主义的，现在几乎公开的资本主义政党认同。 （思考，中国社会可以通过“夺回”中国共产党只是一个天真的改革派概念，类似的思维，美国社会在某些显著方式由革命党人“捕捉”民主党改变而改变，是时候拒绝这样的想法完全。） 这是一个新的中国革命运动的一个方面，因为它涉及到更深刻地理解政治制度，他们要对抗的性质。这个新生的中国革命运动，现在坚持认为今天的中国是不是社会主义国家，一直没有几十年。而他们现在坚持，人们越来越辩论，在中国的阶级斗争的本质是一种官僚统治民族资本主义帝国主义资产阶级和现在庞大的无产阶级的同盟，农民和他们的盟友之间。中国现在是一个帝国主义国家，它需要一个薄熙来是中共，谁是从权力强迫他的妻子，辜开来后，中央政治局委员的有力领导者，被控谋杀一名英国商人，而博据说阻挠她的起诉。博后的秋天，她被逮捕和定罪。博被控受贿，贪污，有几个妇女和滥用权力的不正当性关系。像几乎所有的中国领导人今天，他和他的家人已经变得非常富裕，这是不是从自己的微薄薪水的官方！对他的审判开始于2013年8月22日，他被定罪的几个星期后，被判处终身监禁。 [“薄熙来将面临审判本周的历史案例医治接近结束”，彭博新闻社，2013年8月18日，在网上：http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-08-18/bo - 薄熙来-trial集换月，22式 - 济南 - 新华 - says.html] 博就是所谓的“太子党”，中共最强大的修正主义领导人谁已成为这类在中国的世袭贵族的后裔，即1。 （他的父亲是薄一波，即所谓的“八仙过海”的中共，谁领导邓小平，摧毁了社会主义在中国复辟资本主义。之一）作为重庆市的党领袖，薄熙来试图通过打击猖獗的有组织犯罪，推动一些福利项目，并呼吁大众怀念毛泽东时代的社会主义建设，他的职业生涯是个人的权力基础。他甚至鼓励一些表面的毛服饰，如挥舞着红旗，老革命歌曲演唱。他试图“搭潮”不断增长的反叛和新的革命情操，而且还根据一些报道，背叛了革命同志在关键时刻，为了挽救自己的皮肤免受政府的攻击。正如我们所看到的，他失败了。但是，他的政治和经济纲领是为资本主义扎实任何其他当代领导者中国共产党。这是令人怀疑他是否是比任何其他任何目前中共领导人更加腐败。然而，他的“毛派公众形象”，并为争取群众支持惊动了党的许多其他领导人，他们把它呈现出来，当他的妻子犯了谋杀曝光的机会，以及薄熙来自己在试图声称的作用掩盖它，从力量去除他。 在最好的博只是一个资产阶级改良主义，而不是毛泽东的革命;在最坏的情况，他是一个腐败的民粹煽动家。我们不知道它。这里有一个重要的一般道德：人们需要警惕可能存在改革派的民粹主义者谁愚弄群众，以为他们是革命者。 革命的国际主义观念，反对中国的帝国主义的计划。他们摒弃了简单化和非历史的概念，成为毛泽东的革命今天表示回到同样的想法，计划和反对外国帝国主义，买办资产阶级和恰当早在20世纪30年代和40年代的地主阶级的策略。时代变了！还有大量的工作在毛泽东的革命家做在中国和国际上获得我们的运动前进在正确的道路上！ 许多毛派和中国的毛泽东以外的支持者也不得不倾向没有看到，中国已经定性变成资本主义，帝国主义国家。有世界各地的很多人谁一直的反帝革命运动的一部分，谁花了很多年的保卫中国革命反对下流的攻击和谎言。当然，我们已经制定了毛泽东和中国革命的高度赞赏。但今天的中国已不再是毛泽东革命的中国吸引了我们强大的情感和支持，我们的思想也必须相应改变。在继续坚持毛泽东和中国的毛泽东时代，以及震撼世界的无产阶级文化大革命，我们再也不能凭良心维护或支持资本主义，帝国主义国家，中国现在已经成为。我们的忠不是中国，而是革命人民的斗争，在中国和世界各地。 23、 Nationalist motives for holding the view that China cannot be an imperialist country. A person connected with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences attended the Left Forum in New York City in June 2013. When asked if she agreed that in light of its present export of billions of dollars of capital China is now an imperialist country she responded that China can’t be imperialist because its foreign investments are not preceded and protected by military force. This is once again a failure to understand that there is an imperialist system, of which China is now an integral part. China’s investments around the world are in fact “preceded and protected by military force”, even if—at present—that force is not yet being wielded to a significant degree by the Chinese bourgeoisie itself. According to this woman’s logic Japan and Germany are not imperialist powers either, since most of the military force being used to maintain the imperialist system is currently being supplied and/or directed by the U.S. together with a few close allies. There is in fact a tremendous reluctance even among many people who recognize full well that China is now a capitalist country to grant that it is also now an imperialist country. And this is true even among many Maoists both internationally and within China itself. What lies behind this unwillingness to recognize the obvious? In part this is no doubt due to a failure to fully comprehend the term ‘imperialism’ in the Leninist sense. But it seems to us that there is a deeper cause as well; a lingering feeling among even many Chinese revolutionaries that no matter what China does today it can still only be the victim of foreign imperialism. China was in fact a long and major victim of foreign imperialism (especially British, Tsarist Russian, U.S. and Japanese imperialism) for well over a century before 1949. Even after the 1949 Revolution China had to ward off U.S. imperialism in Korea (1950-1953) and help in a major way to defeat both French and U.S. imperialism in Indo-China (1949-1975). It also had to stand strong against Soviet social-imperialism and its serious military threat against China, while that existed. The feeling that China has long been the victim of foreign imperialism, and further threatened by it, is deeply ingrained in the psyche of progressive Chinese people, and rightly so. But the bitter experience of these great historical wounds could be blinding people, including within China, to the realities of present-day Chinese regime. Even the egregious sins of the current bourgeois ruling class in China, both against the Chinese masses and in their penetrations into foreign countries, are often blamed more on U.S. imperialism and its “manipulation” of the Chinese rulers, than on those rulers themselves. The assumption or dogma is that the Chinese ruling class is still a comprador bourgeoisie, largely under the thumb of foreign imperialism, rather than a bureaucratic national bourgeoisie promoting its own class interests against the interests of the people of China and of the whole world. This misconception, even among many present-day Chinese followers of Mao, is a serious political error. You can’t make a revolution if you don’t understand the real situation you are in. If Chinese revolutionaries are unable to see that China has become an imperialist country then they are in danger of apologizing on a nationalist basis for a regime that they say they to want to overthrow! Recently many Chinese enthusiasts for Mao and the socialism of the Mao period have come to understand that the so-called Communist Part of China is completely and permanently under the control of the bourgeoisie, and cannot be won back to the proletariat by appealing to its supposedly “more revolutionary cadre”. Nonetheless, many people fell for the superficial pretend “Maoist” reformism of Bo Xilai, for example.[1] To make a new proletarian revolution in China, a small but growing number of genuine Maoists agree on the need to form a new genuinely revolutionary Communist Party, which has not been any part of the last 35 years of the revisionist and now virtually openly capitalist party. (Thinking that Chinese society can be changed by “recapturing” the CCP is simply a naïve reformist notion, similar to the thinking that American society can be changed in some significant way by revolutionaries “capturing” the Democratic Party. It is time to reject such ideas totally.) This is only one aspect of a new Chinese revolutionary movement as it comes to more deeply understand the nature of the political system they are up against. This nascent Chinese revolutionary movement is now insisting that China today is not a socialist country and has not been for many decades. And they are now insisting, amid growing debate, that the nature of the class struggle in China is between a ruling bureaucratic national capitalist-imperialist bourgeoisie and the alliance of the now huge proletariat and the peasantry and their allies. China is now an imperialist country, and it requires a[1] Bo Xilai was a powerful leader of the CCP and member of the Politburo who was forced from power after his wife, Gu Kailai, was charged with murdering a British businessman, and Bo was said to have obstructed her prosecution. After Bo’s fall she was arrested and convicted. Bo was charged with bribery, graft, improper sexual relations with several women and abuse of power. Like nearly all Chinese leaders today, he and his family have become enormously rich—and this was not from their modest official salaries! His trial began on Aug. 22, 2013, and he was convicted a few weeks later and sentenced to life imprisonment. [“Bo Xilai Set to Face Trial This Week as Historic Case Nears End”, Bloomberg News, Aug. 18, 2013, online at: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-08-18/bo-xilai-trial-set-for-aug-22-in-jinan-xinhua-says.html Bo is what is known as a “Princeling”, i.e. one of the descendants of the most powerful revisionist leaders of the CCP who have become sort of a hereditary nobility in China. (His father was Bo Yibo, one of the so-called “eight immortals” of the CCP, who—led by Deng Xiaoping—destroyed socialism and restored capitalism in China.) As the Party leader of the city of Chongqing, Bo Xilai tried to build a personal power base for his career by cracking down on rampant organized crime, promoting some welfare programs, and appealing to mass nostalgia for the socialism of the Mao years. He even encouraged some superficial Maoist trappings such as waving red flags and the singing of old revolutionary songs. He tried to “ride the tide” of growing rebellion and new revolutionary sentiment, but also, according to some reports, betrayed revolutionary comrades at a critical juncture, in order to save his own skin from government attack. As we’ve seen, he failed. But his political and economic program was as solidly capitalist as any other contemporary leader the CCP. It is doubtful if he was any more corrupt than any of the other present CCP leaders. However, his “Maoist public image” and campaigning for mass support alarmed many other leaders of the Party, and they took the opportunity which presented itself when the murder which his wife committed came to light, as well as Bo Xilai’s own purported role in attempting to cover it up, to remove him from power. At best Bo was merely a bourgeois reformist and not a Maoist revolutionary; at worst he was a corrupt populist demagogue. We’re not sure which. There is an important general moral here: People need to be alert to the possible existence of reformist populists who fool the masses into thinking that they are revolutionaries. revolutionary internationalist conception and program of opposition to Chinese imperialism. And they are rejecting the simplistic and ahistorical notion that becoming a Maoist revolutionary today means returning to the same ideas, program and strategy of opposition to foreign imperialism, the comprador bourgeoisie and the landlord class that were appropriate back in the 1930s and 1940s. Times have changed! There is a lot of work for Maoist revolutionaries to do in China and internationally to get our movement progressing on the right path!
Many Maoists and supporters of Mao outside of China have also had tendencies to fail to see that China has qualitatively changed into a capitalist-imperialist country. There are a great many people around the world who have been part of the anti-imperialist and revolutionary movements and who have spent many years defending revolutionary China against scurrilous attacks and lies. Naturally we have developed a deep appreciation for Mao and the Chinese Revolution. But today’s China is no longer that Maoist revolutionary China which drew our strong affection and support, and our ideas must correspondingly change as well. While continuing to uphold Mao and the Maoist era in China, and the world-shaking Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, we can no longer in good conscience uphold or support the capitalist-imperialist country that China has now become. Our allegiance is not with China, but with the revolutionary people’s struggle, in China and around the world.
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